Why Wisconsin Matters: Impeachment, Removal, and Redistricting Attacks on Democracy

Here’s what a gerrymandered district looks like. The lawsuit challenging the gerrymandered redistricting says: “A remarkable 55 assembly districts, consisting of between 2 and 40 disconnected pieces of territory, and 21 senate districts, consisting of between 2 and 34 disconnected pieces of territory, are noncontiguous.” 

A Republican minority in Wisconsin has seized control of the legislature and won’t let go. Instead, they threaten a baseless impeachment of a newly-elected Wisconsin Supreme Court Justice, voted to remove the nonpartisan Wisconsin Elections Commission administrator, and passed a last-minute redistricting bill that they falsely claim follows the successful “Iowa model,” but that actually would allow them to maintain minority rule.

In 2022, Republicans in Wisconsin got 200,000 fewer votes than Democrats. Republicans lost every state-wide race. But gerrymandering won the day: despite massive popular vote losses, Republicans maintain absolute control of the Wisconsin legislature, with a two-thirds majority in the Senate and 64 of 99 seats in the Assembly. 

Gerrymandering has given Republicans control of the Wisconsin legislature for years. In 2016, Republicans won 46 percent of the popular vote for legislative seats, with Democrats winning 54 percent. The 2011 Republican redistricting map converted that popular vote loss to a large Republican majority in the legislature. Democrat Tony Evers won the governorship—and the Republicans promptly called a special session and passed legislation limiting the powers of the governor, imposing restrictions on future elections and voting, and confirming 82 last-minute appointments by outgoing Republican Governor Scott Walker. 

Republicans also held a majority in the state’s Supreme Court, until this year. Voters elected Janet Protasiewicz to the court in April, by a million-vote, 11 percent margin. Her election gave liberals a majority on the court. Republicans promptly moved to impeach her, before she made a single ruling. The ruling that most worries them is in the pending Clarke v. Wisconsin Elections Commission challenge to their latest gerrymandered legislative redistricting. Before her election, Protasiewicz called those maps “rigged.” They clearly are. Republicans filed a complaint with the Wisconsin Judicial Commission. The Commission rejected their complaint.

On September 14, the Wisconsin Senate Republicans voted to remove nonpartisan Wisconsin Elections Commission administrator Meagan Wolfe, who had served since 2018, and whose 2023 reappointment was unanimously supported by the state’s three Democratic and three Republican election commissioners. Why remove her? Trump refuses to accept the results of Wisconsin’s 2020 vote, and his supporters demand her firing. She’s suing to keep her position. 

Now Republicans say they have a new plan. Last week, Republican Assembly Speaker Robin Vos introduced and Republicans promptly passed a redistricting bill that they say closely tracks Iowa’s successful nonpartisan redistricting model. It does not. 

Both plans provide for a non-partisan body to draw legislative district maps. Both plans call for sending the maps to the legislature for approval. But that’s where the similarities end: if Iowa’s legislature does not approve the plan, the plan goes to the Iowa Supreme Court for final decision. In the Wisconsin plan, if the legislature twice rejects the commission’s plan, then the legislature redraws the maps. 

In a joint statement, Iowa State Auditor Rob Sand,a Democrat, andformer Republican Party of Iowa Chairman Mike Mahaffy, said

“We are proud of Iowa’s record on nonpartisan redistricting and appreciate being a model for other states who believe in moving toward fair legislative maps. However, the proposal currently in front of the Wisconsin Legislature cannot be accurately called the Iowa model because it lacks the elements that have been the foundation for our system’s success. The clearest and most consequential difference is that Wisconsin’s proposal rejects our system of judicial review. In Iowa, the legislature has limited opportunities to accept or reject the maps drafted by legislative staff. If lawmakers fail to reach consensus, the maps are drawn by the Iowa Supreme Court and enacted. Our process works, which is why the legislature has always found agreement instead of sending the process to the Court. The Iowa model cannot be replicated by cherry picking elements from it.” [Emphasis added.]

Wisconsin Republicans epitomize the bad-faith commitment to minority rule that has come to characterize today’s Republican party. Over the past 12 years, they have demonstrated opposition not just to Democrats, but to democracy itself. 


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